BIAKEN (Biákē) CULTURE IN OGONILAND

BIAKEN (Biákē) CULTURE IN OGONILAND INTRODUCTION The philosophy of continuity is more important than survival among the Ogoni indigenous people. Thus, getting married is seen as an opportunity to contribute freely, through procreation, to the continuity of family lineage and the community at large. As a result, every Ogoni marriage is predicated on the birth of offspring. The Ogoni are not satisfied with just a child; there must be children in male and female combinations. It is a taboo to be childless in Ogoni marriage setting and that is why celibacy is never a viable option in Ogoni socio-cultural and religious philosophy. Wiwa (1983) Ogoni Land is located approximately between latitude 4.05 and 4.30 degree north of the equator and longitude 7.166 and 7.566 degree east. It forms part of the coastal plain terrain which appears as a gently sloping plateau intersected by a few deep valleys which carry water intermittently. The central part of this plateau is about 100 feet above sea level. The Ogoni people occupy about 404 square miles of the coastal plains in the Niger Delta Region with a population of about 500,000 people (Ogoni Bill of Rights 1990). It is important to point out that Ogoni consists of six clans and one hundred and six villages. The clans are as follows, Ken-Khana, Babbe, Nyo-Khana, Tai, Eleme and Gokhana (Nwideeduh, 1997). These six clans are spread into four Local Government Areas in Rivers State. Consequently, the Biakē tradition was established to avoid the most dreaded phenomenon of family lineage discontinuity. The practice of Biakē (to remain at home) is an ancient practice of the Ogoni indigenous people that projects and preserves the continuity of the family system, regardless of the circumstances that threaten it. It is a system that deprives or prohibits certain girls or women from marrying. Under this custom, any man who fancies a Biakē (a woman serving under the Biakē custom) would inform the parents or relations of his intention to keep or co-habit with the girl or woman. As soon as the family members and the girl or woman accept the man’s proposal, he would be required to provide customary items to the girl’s or woman’s family (Loolo, 1981). The male child born by the Biakē’ is recognized and regarded as a biological son of the family, with all rights and privileges. As such, if the family’s male offspring are weak and the female are more active, the parents may compel the energetic female child not to marry. She is responsible for holding and defending the weak family members against any foreign aggression or internal uprising. Biakē custom thus, becomes necessary because of the risk of lineage extinction, particularly in families without a male child (Leton, 2002). This is because the people of Ogoni attached so much importance to family name and its continuity. However, there have been several stories on the custom of ‘Biakē’ among the Ogoni indigenous people. The Biakē practice is sometimes misconstrued as ‘Sira-Custom.’ The Sira-Custom wrongly assumed to mean a system where the first daughters are not given out to marriage. This misconception and over-generalization of the Biakē institution to involve all forms of non-marital birth in Ogoni has been popularized by Gberegbara Solomon Sungagele in his doctoral thesis at the University of Port Harcourt, entitled [The Impact of Christianity on Biaken Custom of Ogoni, Rivers State] (2012) which happens to be the first documented literature on the concept of Biakē as other Ogoni scholars only mention the concept of Biakē in the passing. Obodoegbulam Agi Otto (2017) corroborates this view when he asserts that though the Sira-Custom guarantees the first daughter a mark of honour, such practice encourages single parenthood, especially of daughters, to solve the absence of a male child in the family. According to Bight et al (2019) identify the misinterpreted ‘Sira-Custom’ as a source of gender-based violence in Rivers State. According to them, the ‘Sira-Custom,’ is a set of cultural norms in which the first daughters are prohibited from, or not given out for marriage, but are instead compelled to live a licentious lifestyle, with the concomitant consequences of single parenting and mental anguish. This, therefore, raises the following posers: What is the Ogoni religio-philosophical foundation of the Biakē custom? Is there such culture as the ‘Sira-Custom’ in Ogoni? What are the differences between ‘Biakē,’ ‘Biabe,’ and ‘Sira-Custom’ in Ogoni? What are the implications of Biakē on the Ogoni contemporary society? Through the descriptive research design, this study is attuned to answer the above questions. In the first section, the study presented a brief background on the Ogoni as a people; with detailed clarification on the concept of Biakē. The second section focused on the religio-philosophical foundation of Biakē custom, and its appealing factors. In the third section, the study revealed how the Biakē practice has been misconstrued with the malapropism called ‘Sira-Custom,’ and, as such distinguished the differences between the practice of Biakē and Biabe. In the fourth section, the study reflected on women's experiences serving under Biakē. In the fifth section, the study explored the continuity and discontinuity amidst modernization and its agents. This was followed with recommendations and conclusion. THE OGONI AS A PEOPLE The origin and migration of the Ogoni indigenous people is a subject of many speculations among scholars. Hence, ethnologists are divided on the question of the precise origin of the Ogoni people. This is as a result of the near absence of written records on which conventional history depends; as well as the near absence of an accurate and comprehensive oral traditional that could explain the origin and migration of the Ogoni as a people. However, one of the common hypothesis or theories on the origin and migration of the Ogoni people holds that, the Ogoni indigenous people, originally known as the KHANA people are believed to have migrated from the former Gold Coast (now Ghana). This account chooses the 14th century as a possible arrival period for the Ogoni on the Bonny Island (Saronwiyor, Oral interview 2000). However, scientific proofs have not given this theory any credibility. The Ogoni people who currently occupy the Eastern part of Niger Delta upland Nigeria, are said to have settled in the six Kingdoms of Babbe, Eleme, Gokana, Ken-Ghana, Nyor-Khana, Tai and Oyiigbo, including Ban-goi (Special Unit). Apart from Eleme, the other kingdoms speak mutually intelligible languages. The population density of this territory is over 1,200 per square mile, probably among the highest in any rural area of the world (Igbara & Keenam, 2013). It is believed that the Ogoni settled in this territory as farmers and fishermen since remembered times and had established a well-organized social system, before the colonial invasion of 1901. BIAKEN (BIÁKĒ): CONCEPTUAL REVIEW The word Biakē (among the Khana-Ogoni), or Gbeabe (among the Gokana-Ogoni), or Njuuru (among the Eleme-Ogoni) and Biabe (among the Tai-Ogoni) as used interchangeably in this study all means the same thing (to be retained at home). Etymologically, the word Biakē can be divided into two parts, and as such project two ideas: Bia/Gbea meaning ‘to remain’ or ‘to be retained’ and kē/be meaning ‘home’ or ‘family.’ Biakē or Gbeabe, therefore, means to be retained at home or in the family. When Biakē is used in the Ogoni traditional family setting, it refers to a woman or girl who should not be given out for marriage, but is legitimately allowed within the Ogoni family system to raise children for the family of their parents, thus institutionalizing the idea of ‘mothers but not wives’. The Biakē custom answers any adversity that threatens the continuity of family lineage in Ogoni traditional society. Biakē does not apply to male members of the family (Gberegbara, 2012), but only to female members of the family. These women are not to be given out in marriage but should remain in the family to bear children. Biaken is a Khana language which simply refers to any daughter that was not given out for marriage by her parents. It was a common practice among the Ogoni people in Rivers State, Nigeria. However, Biaken is called different names by the other three Local Government Areas of Ogoni. In Tai, they are called “Biabe”, in Eleme they are known as “Njuuru”, in Gokhana, they are known as “Gbeabe”. Inspite of the differences in the name, they all means one and the same thing. Ikechukwu et al (2019) posits that the Biaken culture is as old as Ogoni ethnic nationality. There are no records as to when Biaken culture was first practiced but it could be said that the practice originated from the distribution of economic resources in Ogoni land. The Biaken cultural practice empowers a father to retain and disallow one of the daughters from getting marriage. Ninyorne (2013) asserts that Biaken culture is meant to showcase the wealth of the family, to demonstrate father’s love, especially in the case of an only daughter. Besides the above, several reasons have been attributed to its practice. The reasons are as follows, to showcase wealth, royalty, to get a large family to support agricultural activities. Above all, many families that were not blessed with male children used to stop one of their daughters from getting married for the purpose of procreation and continuity of the family name. According to Ikechukwu et al (2019), a daughter becomes a Biaken by the desire of her father, but it takes some cultural ceremonies and rituals to initiate her. The father begins the process by informing the family members (Pya Yuguote, Zuute or Gan-te) of his intention with a jar of palm wine and a bottle of locally made gin Gan-te are members of the father’s extended family (the man’s kinsmen). He buttressed further, that the father presents “topee” (customary basket) to them in preparation for his daughter’s Biaken initiation. The “to-pee” as the culture requires, contains several tubers of yam, a bunch of plantain, a bottle of palm oil, a bag of salt, a good quantity of pepper and some quantity of “Suuri” (scent leaf), “Akue-aka” (rack of aka fish) one bottle of schnapps, a goat and fowl and seven cowries (erebakpigi). After this rituals and ceremonies have been concluded, the daughter automatically becomes a Biaken, which simply implies that she cannot get married to anybody. However, she is free to raise children with anybody of her choice. The man that exhibited the intention to concubine the biaken must notify the parents by presenting a jar of palm wine, two bottle of schnapps, food, other brand of drinks and in some cases a goat. The father of the Biaken will, immediately libate to his ancestors, notifying them of the union or relationship. Most importantly, all the children born in this relationship must bear the name of the Biaken’s father. In the same vein, the father of the Biaken must share his properties to the Biaken and her children. This cultural practice is enshrined and embedded in the culture of the Ogoni people; therefore nobody in the family can deny them of their rightful inheritance. Barine (2014) posits that the Biaken cultural practice is passing through tremendous changes as against the earlier practice. Fathers no longer bother to go through the rigorous rituals that involved rite of passages for “Biaken”, as the daughter to be chosen as Biaken was merely pronounced by words of mouth. Once such pronouncement was made with some libations, the chosen daughter automatically becomes a Biaken. In other words, the Biakē custom, which operates throughout Ogoni is a compulsory practice, particularly in households where the parents have no male children, and all their progeny are female. In this case, to ensure continuity of the father’s name, family, and lineage, the first daughter or any of the female daughters (the first, middle or last daughter) must be retained in the family. Before traditional ceremonies and rituals are performed, the girl to be retained in the family must meet her father’s desire-being very energetic, brave and good at domestic work etc. (Deezia, 2020). It is important to note that children from Biakē belong to the girl’s or woman’s family. BIAKE AS A CULTURE IN OGONILAND The next form of marriage is the Bia-kē (to be retained at home) culture. This is widely called “Biakē” among the Khana-Ogoni people, and ‘Gbea-be’ among the Gokana-Ogoni people, all meaning the same thing. The custom of Bia-k???? culture which operates in all part of Ogoni is a compulsory practice especially in homes where the parents had no male child i.e. all the offspring’s are females. In which case, the first daughter or any of the female daughters have to be retained at home, or literally wedded to the father in order to ensure continuity of the father’s name, family and lineage. The particular girl to be retained at home must meet the desire of her father before traditional ceremonies and rituals are engaged in. The rituals required that the father must first inform his lineage (Gah-te or Bua-te) of his intentions with (toor-mii) a Jar of palm wine, and a bottle of local gin. Next, he schedules a date on which to perform the traditional marriage before the ‘G????̅h-te’ (father’s lineage). On the agreed date, he comes with a customary basket (Topie) containing seven yam-tubers, a bunch of plantain, a bottle of palm oil, a good quantity of local spices (Suu-ri), and one racket of smoked ‘aka’ or ‘Tee’fish (akwue-aka or tee). Other items to accompany the ‘topie’ include a jar of (tor mii) palm wine, a bottle of (mii-gini) illicit gin, a bottle of schnapps, fowl, and seven cowries (ereba-kpugi) for the neck of the fowl. As narrated by Ken Gbo-gbo (2016, oral interview), the father then presents these to his lineage and tables the issue at stake. He next pays the commensurate bride price. His lineage accepts all of them and shares the bride price; while the girl gets set for the traditional rites. She is stripped half naked and brought to the gathering seated adjacent to the family tree (Si-dee), with legs outstretched. A hole is bored beside the tree into which the blood of the slaughtered goat and fowl are allowed to drip. The slaughtered fowl purifies the man of the blood of the goat slaughtered, while the smoked fish (aka) is used to cleanse him of the blood of the fowl. The seven cowries for the goat and three cowries for the fowl (Ereba Kpugi le taa kpugi) are swung round the neck of the girl after each slaughtering and thrown away. Seven of the ‘Eka or Tee’ would be tied together and given to the woman to be added to the goat, fowl, yam and plantain meant for cooking. The elders use the remaining fish in drinking palm wine at the background, while the traditional priest makes incantations, libations and recitations over the girl in other to fortify her against evil forces that may come her way. Next the girl is carried up sideways for her to go and dress up in full marriage regalia in her room having been formally married. A similar ceremony is performed for the mother’s lineage (G????̅h-ka). Igbara & Keenam (2013) however observed that Bia-k????̅ has been misconstrued with malapropism call Sira Custom. Sira custom is wrongly assumed to mean a system where the first daughters are not given to marriage. There was never a period in Ogoni history when such a practice existed. Every Ogoni daughter is eligible for marriage. However, depending on the peculiar circumstances of household, the father could actually perform marriage ceremony for any of the daughters that may be found to be energetic to perpetuate the household. It was also attributed to parent’s greater love for a first, middle or last daughter who takes the bia-k???? status. Hence, it was not compulsory that every fist daughter must be retained in the home for such a system as confirmed by the recent studies. Bia-k????̅ was the only acceptable method of adopting children with known biological background for the continuity of the household. These children were adopted for the purpose of security and care of the parents at old age. They are also required to stay back at home and produce offspring who take her own father’s name and become his heirs. Hence, it is also for the purpose of keeping the family legacy or family name. Such a daughter was regarded as one of the wives in the home, she and her children shared in the inheritance of the home or equal basis with other members and children of the family and the community at large. The person so designated was not expected to be morally loose. She was to conduct herself like any married woman, and any relationship contracted must be consented to by the father after due consultation. The suitor presented drinks to the father for recognition. He performed the roles of a husband including conjugal right but the father was responsible for her general wellbeing (Igbara & Keenam, 2013). Disengagement did not attract any refund of expenditure incurred. When the father died, the Biak????̅ performed all the rites of widowhood as any other wife in the home. THE RELIGIO-PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATION OF BIAKĒ CUSTOM Indigenous philosophy is as old as African culture. This is because man in all cultures has the capacity or innate power to philosophize. There is no part of the world where humans do not reflect on basic questions about the human person or about the physical environment. The outcome of this conscious reflection and one’s belief, wondering at the nature of the universe, the stars, ocean, birds, life, death, growth, decay and so on gave birth to philosophy. The Ogoni religious philosophy, therefore, articulates and critically reflects on the way or ways, for example, the Ogoni perceives reality. It explores how the Ogoni experience and interpret nature, society, religion, human beings, God and human conduct. It relates directly to history, culture, and being and represents a significant moment in the intellectual respect of Africans and the challenges of Western civilization (Hountondji, 1983). The philosophy of Ogoni existential cycle connotes continuity, as death is considered as a transitory stage in the continuous cycle rather than a destruction of life. In other words, death does not mark the end of life; rather, it marks the beginning of a new phase of existence after the physical aspect of human life has ended. Thus, the struggle to maintain such cyclic relationship between the dead, the living and the unborn forms the philosophy of the Biakē custom. This implies that the relationship between the dead, the living, and the unborn probably gave rise to the practice of Biakē among the Ogoni. This is due to the belief that there must be living members of the family, particularly the males, who must not only perform their filial duties to the ancestors and deities, but also ensure that the names of the departed are maintained by birthing children into the family. As such, the philosophy of Biakē custom lies at the center of the Ogoni ideology about the family system, which emphasizes the continuity of the family lineage from generation to generation. The girl or woman kept under Biakē custom is expected to give birth to children under the Biakē system, as she is permitted to co-habit with any man of her choice. It is expected that from the children, a male child must come up to carry on the tradition of pouring libation to venerate the ancestors. However, Gberegbara (2012) observes that in cases where the woman is unable to give birth to a male child, one of the female children of the woman is kept at home to produce children that will keep the family name. Family continuity through the Biakē custom is held in high esteem because it is believed that the linage must not be cut off, Sequel to this, Biakē custom was the only accepted method of adopting children with known biological backgrounds for the continuity of the household. These children were adopted to provide stability and care for their parents as they grew older. Such a daughter was regarded as one of the housewives, and her children shared the home's inheritance equally with other children. The woman in this position was not expected to be morally loose. She was expected to behave as though she was a married woman, and her father had to give his approval before she could get into any relationship. In appreciation, the suitor presented the father drinks. He performs the role of a husband, complete with marital rites, but the father is ultimately responsible for her overall welfare (Igbara & Keenam, 2013). In the case of disengagement, there was no refund of expenditure incurred by ex-partner. When the Biakē father dies, the girl or woman in such a position performs all the widowhood rituals as any other wife in the home. The desire for male children is another important factor behind the practice of Biakē custom among the Ogoni. When a family is anxious for male children and they are not forthcoming, but only female children are born into such family, one of the daughters (which could be the first, middle or last daughter) will not be allowed to marry, as customs demand. In this case, the parents choose which of their daughters to be retained at home. They placed a high premium on male children because they would carry on the family name and perform religious functions for the family, lineage, and community. It is often assumed that members of the royal families were the first to pursue the Biakē custom. According to Barine (2004), chiefs of old were concerned that giving their daughter in marriage would lead to her associating with lower-class individuals. As such, they refused to marry out either their most cherished first, middle, or last daughter who was considered the family’s first or best blood. In a similar spirit, Badey (2019) backed up the above argument and position, claiming that Biakē began among the noble or royal family to preserve royal lineage. Because the Biakē custom was highly dignified, honored, respected, and recognized, it was eventually copied by other families that desired to maintain their family’s blood and heritage. Another element that contributes to the practice of Biakē custom in Ogoni is some parents' unguarded affection for female children. According to Nwideede (oral interview, 2021), this unguarded affection could be due to the girl’s brilliance in home affairs. In that instance, the girl may be extremely perceptive in the kitchen and around the house. With such sound understanding, the parents may be so enamored with her that they believe she can take care of the entire family even better than their boy child in their absence. This understanding could evolve into reality over time, and one day, the parents will determine that such a daughter should not be married out. It could be due to the pragmatic attitude to issues, education, and other forms of socializations in modern times. In some families, the girls appear to be more intelligent than the boys. In such circumstances, the parent could be persuaded to keep the female child at home. The pre-colonial Ogoni, as well as other ethnic groups in Nigeria, had a high infant death rate due to the presence of the six baby killer diseases: whooping cough, measles, yellow fever, poliomyelitis, chicken pox and hypertitis. Many families were forced to adopt the Biakē custom as a result of this pitiful and wretched circumstance. This approach allowed the family to have additional children, all of whom were subjected to the survival of the fittest concept. In fact, because they were not sure of the number of children that would survive, it was considered to raise additional children. Another important and appealing factor that contributed to the wide acceptance of the Biakē custom, and its continued existence in Ogoni’s land tenure system is that in Ogoni, at the death of a father or the man who was the head of the family, the family’s land is shared to members of that particular family unit. On a permanent basis, each male child receives his own portion. If a woman is serving under Biakē custom in that family, she is entitled to the same portion as the male children (Gberegbara, 2012). Each person will transfer or share his/her portion with members of his/her family unit as their inheritance. The land will only be shared among the deceased man’s children after his death, not any other family members. In the case of a deceased man with only female children, one of the daughters will be retained at home to inherit the late father’s properties and raise children who will bear the father’s name. Because Ogoni is primarily an agrarian society, more people were required to labor on the large hectares of land. In Ogoni pre-colonial era, wealth was determined by the number of children raised, the number of lands cultivated, the number of live-stocks available, the number of married wives, large bands of yam, surplus food to feed the family and the extended family members, taking of titles, such as Gbene, Mene, and belonging to several cultural organizations especially Amanikpo or Naa-biradee, Koromo, Karikpo, Iyormabana among others. At that time, it was necessary to prevent one of the daughters from marrying so that she could procreate for the family. The additional children joined other children to work on the farm to provide a steady supply of food and maintain the family’s status quo. This implies that because it was impossible to employ workers to work on farm, farmers relied heavily on the labor provided by family members. FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE PRACTICE OF BIAKEN CULTURE IN OGONI The Biaken cultural practice is an intrinsic part of the Ogoni culture and was in existence from time immemorial. In fact, it is as old as the Ogoni ethnic nationality itself. However, this practice appears strange and awkward to some other ethnic groups. Others see it as barbaric and an infringement on the fundamental rights of women. But to the Ogonis, there were several reasons that were responsible for this cultural practice. The reasons are clearly stated and explained briefly below as follows:  Child Birth Mortality: Incessant cases of child mortality in some families were another silent factor that gave rise to Biaken culture in Ogoniland (Mandus 2012). A situation whereby a family kept on experiencing child birth mortality and eventually the only surviving child was female, was made not to be given in marriage but retained in the family to perpetuate the family lineage as Biaken. Although the practice of Biaken culture may appear the same across the ethnic groups, the details vary from subculture to subculture within the Ogoni kingdoms. The Biaken is recognized when a family is unable to have the number of children of their own. The single child: Any family with a single child (female) in Ogoniland automatically retains the girl at home for family continuity. The properties of the father are transferred to her on his demise, and the children of the Biaken claim ownership of the properties of their mother’s father. She is respected and held in high esteem in the family. The children that come from her bear her father’s name and are accepted by the family of the father. In the Biaken tradition, family planning mechanisms were never in the culture of the people of Ogoni and marriage was considered blessed by the number of children one could procreate.  Plenty Children: The greater the number of children in the family, the more he is recognized as a great and wealthy man in Ogoni land. The more children in the family, the greater the father’s political and social status in the community. So, it was believed that the practice of Biaken culture could enhance the opportunity of having more children (Kembe Oral Interview) in Isaac (2017). More so, the people of Ogoni were predominately farmers. As such, farming activities require more hands, so the need for having more children for productivity was imperative. Significantly, Biaken culture was adopted by some fathers to attain this lofty goal and height. The Biaken procreates more children and, as such, compliments the father.  Absence of a Male Child: Many parents that were not blessed with male children considered it wise and reasonable to disallow one of their female children from marrying out of the family. Apenu (1995) posits that the reason behind the keeping of first daughter at home was due to the absence of a male child in the family or where the Sira (First daughter) is the only daughter in the family. This is considered most important because Ogoni is a patriarchal society, where inheritance depends solely on the male children. Therefore, the male child produced by the Biaken automatically becomes the heirs to the throne as well as inheriting the properties of the family. According to Loolo (2001) to avert this most dreaded phenomenon of discontinuity of family lineage, the Biaken culture was instituted. The male child born by the “Biaken” is treated and regarded as the biological son of the family with all rights and privileges. He buttressed further that in case where the male children in the family are weak and the female are more active the parents may force the active female child not to marry. She is to hold and defend the weak family members against any external aggression or internal insurrection. Leton (2002) avers that “Biaken” culture becomes necessary because of a possible extinction of lineage especially in a family where there is no male child. This is because the people of Ogoni attached so much importance to family name and its continuity. In the same vein, Nsaro (1997) posits that there are some men who only bear the name of men. Such men are quite powerless, weak and unable to push forward in all things such men lack initiative. Quite agile woman was preferred to be at home to keep the name of the family alive.  Preservation of Royal Blood: It is a general belief that the practice of “Biaken” culture started with members of the royal families. Barine (2004) opined that the chiefs of old felt that giving their daughter in marriage may mean mixing up with people of lower class. Hence the refusal to give out their first daughter who was considered as the first blood of the family for marriage. In similar vein, Badey (2019) confirmed the above argument and position that “Biaken” started among the noble or royal family as a way of maintaining the royal blood. The Biaken cultural practice was highly dignified, honoured and respected hence it was later adopted by other families who wanted to preserve their family blood and lineage from extinction. As it is obtainable in any other traditional society, the people of Ogoni value and respect kingship. Ascension to the kingship throne in most African societies is by appointment or recommendation by the gods. But in the case of the Ogonis, it is different because ascension is hereditary. The first son of the family takes over the throne at the demise of the king. Where there is a reservation for the first son, such as a case of insanity or any incapacitated situation, any of the sons in the family is recommended for the throne, (Mandus 2012). It is expected that whoever takes over the throne must come from the family of the king. Paradventure the king does not have a male child, a selected daughter is pronounced a Biaken to bear a male child for the family who will eventually take over the throne and, as such, preserve the royal blood. The male children are treated like the biological children of the king, with all rights and privileges. As a result of this, the king’s family is regarded as the royal lineage because whoever ascends the throne must come from the family.  The Need for more Children for Agriculture: Ogoni is basically an agrarian society hence there was the need for more people to work on the large hectares of land. In the pre-colonial era in Ogoni, wealth were determined by the number of children raised, the number of land cultivated, greater number of livestock’s available, the number of wives that were married, large band of yam, surplus food to feed the family and the extended family members, taking of titles, such as Gbene, chief, and belonging to several cultural organizations especially Awanikpo (Amanikpo or Naa-Biradee) Koromo, Karikpo, Iyormabana etc. At that time, it became imperative to disallow one of the daughters from marrying so that she can procreate for the family. The additional children, joined other children to work on the farm for the purpose of maintaining regular supply of food as well as maintaining the status-quo of the family. This implies that famers depended so much on the labour provided by family members since it was difficult to pay workers to work on their farms.  Lineage Continuity: Traditional Ogoni society attaches importance to lineage continuity. And it is the main reason for the Biaken cultural practices in Ogoni land. The introduction and institutionalization of culture was a form of cultural intervention into what would have become a misunderstanding, the possible extinction of lineage (Mandus 2012). He further claims that it is against this background that families or marriages that are faced with the unfortunate situation of childlessness eventually have a girl child, and she becomes the Biaken to procreate for the family. As a result, male children were preferred in the traditional Ogoni family organization. According to Gba (2012), this is predicted on the notion that male children have the potential to perpetuate the family lineage, a cherished phenomenon in Ogoni land. In order to avert the most dreaded phenomenon of this continuity of the family lineage, Biaken culture was instituted. Mandus (2012) strongly states that the Biaken is treated and regarded as the biological son of the family, with all rights and privileges accorded to him.  High Infant Mortality: In the pre-colonial era, there was high infant mortality rate in Ogoni, including other ethnic groups in Nigeria as a result of the prevalence of the six infant killer diseases which include; whooping cough, measles, yellow fever, poliomyelitis, chicken pox and hypertitis. This pathetic and miserable situation forced many families to adopt the “Biaken” culture. This practice enabled the family to raise more children who were faced with the principle of survival of the fittest. In fact, it was seen as a means of raising more children because they were not sure of the number of children that will survive.  Protection of the Family: As every society cherished male children, so did the Ogoni. Male children are symbolic in the traditional Ogoni family setting. In the absence of the father, they are seen as the safety and security officers of their home. Gba (2012) posits that conflicts among neighbors and communities are an inevitable element in traditional societies, as in the case of Ogoni. He further claims that the responsibility of the male child in the family is to protect the family from external aggression, communal crises, or situations of war. James's oral interview (2019) said women were regarded as weak in nature and, as such, lacked the capacity to protect the family in the face of any conflict. It was also believed that in a situation where all the women in the family are married out and there is no male child in such a family, the landed properties and other inherited acquisitions would be shared by the other members of the family. The Thompson interview (2019) states that ‘if not for the fact that he stood his ground after the demise of his father, his uncles and father’s relations would have deprived him of his father’s land’. This assertion was a regular occurrence in Ogoni land, a situation whereby land ownership was a case of survival of the fittest. Against this backdrop, families lacking male children resorted to the practice of Biaken culture in a bid to protect their family properties in case of any incursion by the family members. The male child born by the Biaken takes the position of the son in the family, saddled with the responsibility of protecting the family property (Kiagbara interview 2020) disclosed that "he is today a source of joy to his grandfather." He further claims that his birth savaged the mother’s father’s lineage that would have been lost for not having a child. Regarding family names and protection, male children were of major concern to the people of Ogoni.  Continuity of Family Traits: There are some important social activities that the Ogoni attach value to, and one example of these activities is wrestling. Wrestling is a cultural activity embraced and cherished by the young and old. Gborobe, interviewed by Isaac (2017), commented that wrestling was a cultural play that brought the entire community together in an atmosphere of joy and excitement by the dramatic and acrobatic display of the wrestlers. According to him, those who were endowed with this act of natural strength were regarded as strong men in society and enjoyed the respect of their followers. He added that some families were known to have brave wrestlers. In light of this, Gborobe noted that since the act of wrestling in Ogoni land was the preserve of men, if the next generation of such families did not have a male child to carry on the trait or what the family was known for, a selected daughter was made a Biaken to bear a male child that would potentially fill the vacuum. CONTINUITY AND DISCONTINUITY IN THE PRACTICE OF BIAKĒ CUSTOM In the Ogoni contemporary society, modernization and its agents- Christianity, Western education- have affected the practice of Biakē custom. Many people have become educated and are no longer interested in remaining trapped in such culture. In view of the foregoing, various women’s liberation initiatives arose to educate and sensitize women in schools, churches, and communities about the effects of the Biakē custom. Every woman is thought to be entitled to a spouse, and anything less is considered an illegitimate way of raising children. As a result, many women are not prepared to be a Biakē, given the multiple hurdles and negative consequences that it entails; Thus, the decline in the practice of Biakē. Western educational training started with the boy child, but later, the girl child joined the bandwagon of acquiring Western education, and subsequently, many people began to see reasons to de-emphasize the practice of Biakē. To avoid becoming a Biakē, some of the young girls who are ready for marriage usually abscond with their partners or would-be husbands. The majority of them married in court without their parents’ knowledge or approval. Presently, the practice of Biakē is responsible for some families' woes today. It causes division between husband and wife, as they no longer speak in one voice. Most of their girls that are up to the age of marriage have the courage and faith that the libation and other rituals associated with Biakē will not have any effect on them because of their faith in God and level of education. However, while the majority of Ogoni people have abandoned the practice of Biakē, a small number of people (parents) who do not have male offspring continue to force their daughters to become Biakē. The importance of Biakē custom, particularly in terms of procreation, identity formation, and continuity of family lineage, cannot be overstated. The Biakē custom is a cultural pattern that prevents the first, middle or last daughter from marrying and leaving the family. They are allowed to have children from one or more pseudo-husbands, either within or outside the community. The men who procreate the children are not permitted to claim ownership of those children. The psychological pain and hardship endured by the Biakē and their children were well-known, and as a result, many parents and daughters are no longer willing to practice this culture. In reality, because no girl wants to be a Biakē, the Biakē custom is being practiced to its absolute minimum. It can be argued that Biakē custom violates the human rights of those girls or women who serve under Biakē to a great extent. In this modern age, the enforcement of Biakē custom could tamper with the many rights that address women’s status in society. Women are meant to have the right to raise their own families, work freely, and migrate freely, among other things. When a woman is constrained to her immediate family, she is deprived of the opportunity to exercise some of the guaranteed rights by Nigeria’s constitution. Also, there is an indication that contemporary Ogoni men may be abusing the Biakē custom. It is easy for such men to perceive the Biakē custom as an opportunity to develop sexual relationships with women without having to worry about the children’s wellbeing. It is common knowledge that the Biakē custom contribute to a high rate of sexual abuse and molestation of local women. In a similar view, some women could use this cultural practice as an opportunity to engage in sexual promiscuity. This is because such custom does not limit the time and number of men with whom a woman is required to mate. As a result, such practice could serve as basis for the display of sexual crime and impropriety. Although some of the children from Biakē do very well, many from such unorganized and unstructured relationships could later become a nuisance to the community. From the foregoing, some strategies are required to transform the situation of women serving under Biakē custom. The first involves the community development movement. This movement could function as a social change movement to transform the practice. For example, this strategy could promote women’s education in order to provide them with information to assert their rights. Understanding the laws of the state and attaining an adequate level of education is important to empower women. In this way, Biakē could become optional rather forced. Women presented with the option of Biakē will be in a position to refuse or accept. Where they choose to accept, they could demand certain things for their own protection and comfort or negotiate certain privileges. Also, laws could be promulgated at the state level to provide for conditions that affected families and legal entitlements of Biakē women must meet. In this way, no one would maltreat or deny such women of their rights or entitlements in the family when their fathers have passed on. These laws will also protect children born in such families. Punitive measures may also be integrated into such laws to deter men who abuse the institution. Finally, economic empowerment of Biakē by the affected families and even the men who mate with them could be enshrined into law. Because some women who accept Biakē are poor, they become vulnerable to all manner of abuses and neglect. Some women from disadvantaged backgrounds also regard the Biakē custom as a means of escaping poverty. When their expectations fail, they become targets for abuses. Therefore, economic empowerment of women who accept Biakē is paramount. The Ogoni kingdoms and the state should work together to iron out modalities for incorporating women economic empowerment into the Biakē institution. When a woman is empowered to care for her family, she will have little or no need to rely on her immediate relatives or men for assistance. Some women participate in the Biakē custom just to have a share of the family inheritance. With appropriate modernization of Biakē, women’s right to inheritance will be guaranteed in law, and when none is available, she is empowered economically and otherwise to take care of her children and meet her family’s needs. THE CHALLENGES CONFRONTING BIAKEN IN OGONILAND IN THE 21ST CENTURY In the past, Biaken was highly celebrated, dignified and respected in the family but the reverse is the case in this twenty first century. So many things including the culture and the effectiveness of some institutions are undergoing metamorphoses, things are no longer the same.  Introduction of Christianity: The born-again Christians are against the “Biaken” culture in Ogoni. According to them, it is un-biblical and should be abandoned. Presently, many daughters and sons of Ogoni who embraced Christian religion have stopped practicing the Biaken culture.  Education and Women Liberation Movement: In this twenty first century, the power of western education has affected the practice of “Biaken” culture in Ogoni. So many people are now educated and are no longer interested to stay under the web of dehumanizing culture. In addition to the above, several women liberation movements sprang up to sensitize and educate the women in the schools, churches and the villages about the negative consequences of the Biaken culture. It is believed that every woman is entitled to have a husband, anything short of that is regarded as illegitimate means of raising children. At this juncture, no girl is ready to be a “Biaken” having considered the numerous challenges and negative consequences associated with it. The feminists and Christians exposed the sufferings and pains encountered by the Biaken on daily basis. Desmond (2011) asserts that the pervasive influence of western education has led to the decline in the practice of “Biaken” in modern-day Ogoni. Kponee (1999) puts it that western education in the area brought a different world-view. He contends that the educational training started with the boy child but later the girl child joined in the band wagon of acquiring western education, and subsequently the people began to see the reasons to de-emphasize the practice of “Biaken”.  Single Parenthood: The Biaken suffered and struggled with their children on daily basis without assistance from their biological fathers. Most of these men that raised children with the “Biaken” were already married, so they were only concerned about the wellbeing and training of their children and wives. The social consequences of single mother (Biaken) can be seen in loneliness and the lack of social support. Most of the men who raised children with them don’t assist in training the children because they don’t answer their names. Most of their children do not go to school, especially after the death of the Biaken’s father. Most of them could not give proper upbringing to their children because of poverty and depression.  Psychological Trauma and the Status of Biaken: All the “Biaken” suffered from psychological trauma arising from loneliness, depression, abandonment, insecurity, lack of support and other unmet needs. The social status of the “Biaken” is reduced to nothing. They are seen by some people as “free wives for all”, with low self-esteem. They suffered from emotional pains because they are neglected and sexually abused by married men. They are no longer respected among the women folks and the entire society as before. In fact, no daughter is willing to be a Biaken, that is why they are resisting their parents and marrying in the courts without the consent, and approval of their parents.  The Constant Conflict between the Biaken and the Saaro: For the past two decades, there are constant conflicts between the “Biaken” and the Saaro (the first son) in most of the families in Ogoni. These conflicts mostly occurred after the death of their father, who disallowed the daughter from marrying. Traditionally, the Saaro (the first son) was not supposed to take any property that had been given to the “Biaken” because she is entitled to inherit from the family but the reverse is the case in recent times.In most cases, the first sons are always in constant conflicts with the “Biaken” over landed property and buildings. They have arrested each other on several occasions. Presently, the first son (Saaro) and other male children of the family have forcefully taken away properties that were allocated to the “Biaken”. This situation has increased the misery and the deplorable condition of the “Biaken” in Ogoni land.  The Conflict between the “Biaken” and other Married Women: Other married women are always fighting and molesting the Biaken over their husbands. Recently, several Biaken have been arrested by the married women for causing troubles in their families. They were also accused of using charms and other diabolical means to trap their husbands. All these fighting’s and accusations reduced the socio-status of the “Biaken” as well as discouraging other young girls from becoming a Biaken, on the other hand, the Biaken have also arrested other married women that molested them. THE RESILIENCE NATURE OF BIAKEN IN OGONI ETHNIC NATIONALITY It is a well-known fact that the “Biaken” culture had been facing a lot of challenges in this contemporary society. Therefore, many parents are no longer prepared to stop their daughters from getting married. It is also vital to point out that few illiterates, uncivilized and worshippers of African traditional religion are still observing this unique culture that was handed over to them by their forefathers. However, greater proportion of the Ogoni people have stopped the practice of Biaken, but few people (parents) that are not blessed with male children are still forcing their daughters to become a “Biaken”. It is pertinent to point out that most of their daughters have disappointed them while few, fearfully obeyed their parents. Some of the young girls that are ready for marriage usually eloped with their lovers or would be husbands, just to avoid to become a “Biaken”. Most of them got married in the court without the consent and approval of their parents. Presently, the practice of “Biaken” is responsible for some of the crises in some families today. It causes division between husband and wife, as they no longer speak in one voice. Most of their girls that are up to the age of marriage have the courage and faith that the libation and other rituals associated with “Biaken” will not have any effect on them because of their faith in God and level of education. Finally, the Biaken culture has been reduced to its barest minimum, because greater proportion of the parents is no longer practicing it because of its adverse effects on women hood. In spite of the above, very insignificant proportion of the population of the Ogoni are still supporting the practice of Biaken culture. These people believed that it is an integral part of our culture that cannot be abandoned because of our exposure to other cultural practices. Presently, it is mostly practice by parents who do not have a male child and few illiterate traditionalists. PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECT OF BIAKEN CULTURE ON THE CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY The psychological and emotional effects of the Biaken culture are enormous and can be very traumatic and devastating on women who may not be willing to stay at home in the name of lineage continuity. It is found that Biaken culture has hindered the development of most Ogoni girls because it is the joy and desire of every woman to feel the sense of acceptance of her personality and self-worth within the social environment (Isaac, 2014). She also claims that in Biaken culture, the girl child who is kept at home is exposed to some of the unfavourable experiences. There is no doubt that her status denies her the virtues of a wife, which are properly expressed in the content of a marriage. She is seen as a semi-woman due to the fact that she remained in her father’s house all her life. She is not accorded respect among her fellow women and, by extension, society. Often, this situation causes depression, sadness, rejection, and mockery for her. The Biaken becomes an object of ridicule by loose and sexy men who knock on her door at night for free sex. They have no husband, so they are free to all men. Isaac (2017) states that the Biaken cannot relate to married women in the community because they are seen as husband snatchers. The Biaken maintains a posture that isolates her from the group of married women, so that she will not be insulted. According to Ledibabari (Interview 2021), a lady who is kept at home by her parents in Gokana, discloses that she has always been accused by some married women in the community of taking the attention of their husbands. She further said that Biaken is not given the opportunity for self-development that would guarantee her a voice and a place in society. The reason for this, according to her, was the belief that if she is educated she may revolt against her family, as is the case in most families. She is expected to be within the confines of her family all her life. Biaken is practiced for the purpose of procreation. Unfortunately, after the death of her father, who lavished her with love and imposed the culture on her, she and her children are left to their fate. At this point, she begins to labour to train her children without the presence of a father-figure. Biaken tends to suffer emotional problems because, no matter the number of children, no man, not even the biological father, takes responsibility for the upbringing of these children. The Biaken is always under pressure and directed to give birth every time, and since the biological father fails to take responsibility, the children end up not having a proper upbringing (Isaac 2014). She further claims that it is a known fact that in the process of socialization, the influence of a father figure is of major significance. As a result of these unfavourable conditions in their formative years, most of the children end up becoming a nuisance to society, compounding the woes of their mothers. Nwinee (2012) discloses that such children have low self-esteem and experience more poverty as adults when compared to children raised by both parents with adequate and proper parental care. He also agreed with the previous views by restating that children are more likely to be delinquent and engage in anti-social behavior since there is no father figure to exert influence on them. IMPACT OF BIAKĒ CUSTOM ON THE OGONI CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY The lack of masculine influence in some homes affects children’s discipline and morality, making some of them a nuisance in the community. This implies that when children’s social environments are depleted, they experience lower self-esteem, economic insecurity, and feelings of inadequacy, all of which are signs of underdevelopment. The absence of a male presence (father figure) in the family can also have an impact on the boys’ identification with the masculine role, and places the primary responsibility for the child’s socialization on the mother. If their daughters survive, some are forced into early marriage, jeopardizing their future chances. Consequently, women serving under Biakē can only be the best mother, not both mother and father. They can simply be a good mother to their children and trust God with the rest. Biakē women have sexual needs. Tenderness, warmth, touching, and caressing by a husband are all important aspect of Sexuality. While a woman’s sexual urges and ability remain active as long as she is healthy, some men believe that all a Biakē needs is sex. They pursue a Biakē and offer her their sexual services. They believe she is worried and will be a pushover as a result. Consequently, the Biakē continue to breed children in their father’s house, expanding the size of the family. In his Presidential Address at the Synod of Diocese of Ogoni held at St. Peter’s Yeghe in 2006, Solomon Gberegbara stated: Women under Biaken [Biakē] custom continue to breed children that have little or no fatherly care. These children merely increased the population of their various families throughout Ogoniland. The leadership of these families in Ogoniland is in support of this custom and this has gone a long way to fan this custom to survive from generation to generation. (Gberegbara, 2006, 194) Marriage is often seen as a symbol of achievement for women. Thus, when a woman is denied marriage, for instance, those women serving under Biakē; it becomes easy to subordinate them to failures, especially in contemporary times. Such woman’s social status could be reduced, resulting in a loss of self-esteem. No one can truly contribute to community development if they have lost their self-esteem. As a single mother trying to provide for her children, the Biakē is often distracted with her problems and may be unable to properly serve as community development agent. The Biakē also suffer loneliness, melancholy, abandonment, uncertainty, lack of support, and other unmet needs. The Biakē’s social standing could be affected, especially in contemporary society. Nowadays, some people regard them as “free wives for all,” with low self-esteem. Some of them could experience emotional distress as a result of being mistreated and sexually abused by men. Another major effect of Biakē is poverty. According to the United Nations (2004), poverty is primarily a denial of freedom and opportunity and a violation of human dignity. It implies not being able to feed and clothe a family, not having access to a school or clinic, not having landed property on which to grow food or a job to support oneself, a living, and not being able to obtain credit. It means insecurity, powerlessness, and marginalization, among other things. It involves being vulnerable to violence, and it often entails living in marginal or vulnerable surroundings with limited access to safe drinking water or sanitation. On the other hand, peace of mind, perfect health and safety, freedom of choice and action, and the ability to associate in a community are all examples of well-being. Well-being also entails a solid income source and a trustworthy revenue source, among others. When none of these things are present, the Biakē cannot possibly contribute to community growth. Because there is no partner to complement her efforts, this practice, therefore, could have a significant negative impact on women’s economic standing. Consequently, many children born out of the Biakē custom receive little or no attention from their biological fathers. While some are with their mothers who owned them, others are left to fend for themselves. As a result of hunger and hardship, many women serving under Biakē co-habit or engage in non-marital relationships. They bear children with some of these men just to make ends meet, without considering the source of their wealth. The end result is that children whose biological fathers have questionable characters are produced. Biakē custom results to violence against women. Other married women are always fighting and molesting the Biakē because they are jealous of sharing their husbands. These fights and accusations could reduce the socio-economic status of the Biakē, and deter other young girls from becoming Biakē. In many Ogoni families, there have been continuous fights between the Biakē and the Saaro (the first son) over family properties. Traditionally, the Saaro (the first son) was not expected to take any property that had been given to the Biakē because she is entitled to inherit from the family, but this is no longer the case, the first sons and the Biakē are constantly at odds over landed property and structures. This circumstance has worsened the Biakē agony and poor living conditions in Ogoni land. CONCLUSION Biaken culture had been practiced by the Ogoni ethnic nationality in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria since time began. “Biaken” is a culture that brought pride to the father, and also enhanced his dignity and socio-status in the society. In the past, every family had Biaken, but the reverse is the case in this 21st century. The “Biaken” cultural practice is facing serious resistance from several quarters. The practice of “Biaken” is against Biblical doctrine that specifies “one man one wife”. The role of western education coupled with the impact and influence of globalization have actually changed the people’s perception about their world view. However, the psychological trauma and sufferings experienced by the Biaken and their children were known to everybody, hence so many parents and daughters are no longer willing to practice this culture. In fact, the practiced of the Biaken culture had been reduced to its barest minimum as no girl is interested to become a “Biaken”. In spite of the above challenges associated with the practice of Biaken culture, few people who are not blessed with male children considered it as the best option for the continuity of the family. On the other hand, few traditionalists and uneducated parents still consider the Biaken cultural practice as an integral part of our culture and cannot be abandoned because of our exposure to other cultural practices. The study does not recommend banning the Biakē institution because it serves practical needs with some positive values. However, with radical changes in social institutions since the end of colonialism and the concomitant Western influence, an urgent modernization of traditional practices such as Biakē is required. The study, therefore, advocated for the involvement of the community development movement in the transformation of the Biakē practice; promotion of women’s education and economic empowerment, as well as the promulgation of laws, and regulations to modify the Biakē custom to accommodate the Ogoni modern-day reality. RECOMMENDATIONS Based on the findings, the following recommendations were made: 1. The practice of “Biaken” should be abolished since it is causing crises in some homes. 2. The parents should no longer force their daughters to become a “Biaken”. They should seek their consent and approval. 3. The properties that were willed to them should not be taken from them by the Saaro (first son) of the family. 4. The “Biaken” usually suffered from psychological trauma arising from single parenthood, therefore it should be abolished. REFERENCES Apenu, C. (1995). “Sira” and “Saro” Culture in Ogoni Land. Nigeria: University of Ibadan Press. Badey, M. A. (2019). Biaken in Ogoni. International Publishers. 24 Aggrey Road Port Harcourt. Barine, T.P. (2004). Waa-Ue-dam Practices in Gokhana Local Government. Springfield Publisher Port Harcourt. Deezia, S. (2020). Parental perception of the girl child. The African Perspective. Journal of Sociological Studies, 5(1), 15-22. Desmond, N. S. (2011). The Role of Women in the National Development. University of Port Harcourt Inaugural Lectures’ Series. Sociology No. 13. Gba, P. (2012). Culture and the place of women in Nigeria: Journal of sociological studies. University of Port Harcourt. Unpublished work; University of Lagos Gberegbara, S. S. (2012) Presidential Address at the Synod of Diocese of Ogoni. St. Peter’s Yeghe: Rivers State. Igbara, P. I. & Keenam, B. C. (2013) Ogoni in perspective: An aspect of Niger Delta. Onyoma Research publications: Port Harcourt. Ikechukwu, B., Uchendu, E. E. and Favor, S. (2019) “Sira Custom among the Ogoni Daughters and the Administration of Secondary School Education in Rivers State, Nigeria, Implication for Counselling. Brazilian Journal of Arts & Science Physical and Social, 61-65. Vol 13. Isaac F.B. (2017). Cultural Practices and the educational development of Ogoni women in Rivers State. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Port Harcourt Kponee, T. A. (1999). Cultural Heritage and Relativity in Ogoni Land. International Publishers, Port Harcourt Press 23,43. Leton, M. S. (2002). Pre-colonial Khana. Unpublished M.A. Thesis Submitted to the Department of History, University of Port Harcourt. Loolo. G. N. (1981). History of Ogoni. Port Harcourt, Springfield Publisher. Mandus, B. (2012). The Biaken cultural practice of the Ogoni people in Rivers State. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Port Harcourt. Ninyorne, T. A. (2013). Widowhood Practices among the Ogonis of Nigeria. Port Harcourt, Springfield Publisher. Nsaro, M. (1997). The Njuuru practice in Eleme. Psychological versus physiological correlates of orgasmic pleasure and satisfaction. Journal of Sex and Mantal Therapy. Nwideeduh, M. A. (2005) “Gbeybe” and “Sira” Cultures in Gokhana. Unpublished M. A. Thesis Submitted to the Department of Religions and Cultural Studies. University of Port Harcourt. Nwinee, P. (2012). The Impact of tradition on rural women in Africa: women and tradition; our burdens and struggles. Institution for African Alternatives, pp 26-28 Obodoegbulam, Agi O. (2017) Topics in Religion and Gender Issues in Nigeria, 2017. Christo Publication: Port Harcourt. Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990). Published by Saros International Publishers. 24 Aggrey Road, Port Harcourt. Paulin J. Hountondji, (1983) African Philosophy: Myth and Reality, transl. H. Evans and J. Rée, 1983. Indiana University Press: Bloomington Shankar-rao, C.N. (2012). Sociology: Principles of Sociology with an Introduction to Social Thought. Seventh Edition Printed in India by Ninja Publisher and printers PVT Ltd. Kashipur Road. Published, N. S. Chand and Company ltd, Ram Nagar, New Delhi. United Nations (2004) Human Rights and Poverty Reduction: A Conceptual Framework. New York and Geneva Wiwa, K. S. (1983). Letter to the Ogoni Youth: Published by Saros International Publishers. 24 Aggrey Road, Port Harcourt.